John A. Wharton: The Forgotten General

by Paul R. Scott

At the adjournment of the Texas Secession Convention three delegates, John Austin Wharton of Brazoria County, Benjamin Franklin Terry representing Ft. Bend County, and Harris County's Thomas Saltus Lubbock shared a stagecoach on their return home. Fired by the spirit of the times, they decided to raise a unit of Texas cavalry to defend the independent South.1 Of the three it appears that only Lubbock had extensive military experience. He had participated in the Siege of Bexar in December 1835 and in 1841 was captured as a lieutenant in the Texan Santa Fe expedition. He escaped his captivity in Mexico City and returned to Texas in time to join the Somervell Expedition in November 1842.2 Terry may have had some experience as he received a Bounty land grant by a special act of the Legislature for some unspecified service.3 Wharton, the youngest of the three, had no practical experience at all unless it was with one of the many militia companies for which no record has been found. Yet he was the one who made the greatest contribution to the Confederate cause.

Wharton was born near Nashville, Tennessee on July 3, 1828 the only child of William Harris Wharton and Sarah Ann Groce Wharton. Though visiting Nashville when Sarah gave birth, the Wharton's were prominent Texas residents. She was the daughter of Jared E. Groce one of the wealthiest planters in Texas. William Wharton and his brother, also named John Austin Wharton, both were to hold high offices in the Republic of Texas.4

In late 1846 or early 1847 the younger John Wharton entered Columbia's South Carolina College, now the University of South Carolina. He was a member of the Corps of Cadets commanding a company for three of his four years. He also showed an interest in literature joining the Euphradian Society in 1847. (In later years Texas Governor Francis Lubbock would remark upon his fondness for quoting poetry.) The young man was not completely virtuous in his college activities; in 1847 he and a few comrades were disciplined for playing cards. He completed his studies in four years and on December 2, 1850 graduated with a B.A. degree.5

Wharton realized that while his course of study, which emphasized classical learning, would give him the mark of a gentleman, it would not prepare him for a career in Texas. Accordingly, even before he graduated he studied law in the home of William Campbell Preston a former U.S. Senator and the College President. There he met Miss Eliza Penelope Johnson, the daughter of South Carolina's Governor David Johnson. In 1848 the couple married.6

Upon returning to Texas, Wharton continued his study of law first with his cousin Jack Harris and then with Elisha Marshal Pease who was elected governor in 1853 and again in 1855. When accepted to the bar Wharton went into partnership with Clinton Terry, Ben's brother. As could be expected of a man of his background, he soon entered politics becoming a Breckinridge presidential elector in 1860 and was selected to be his district's representative at the secessionist convention. At the convention Wharton distinguished himself by being the one to move the "sense of this convention" resolution that Texas should seceed.7

Upon reaching home each of the three busied himself with military matters. Lubbock went to the Confederate capital at Montgomery, Alabama to secure the needed commission only to be rebuffed.8 Terry, meanwhile, led a volunteer force to reinforce Commissioner Ebenezar B. Nichols and Colonel John Salmon "Rip" Ford who were negotiating for the surrender of Fort Brown from Federal authorities.9

In contrast to his associates, Wharton's activities are less well known. It seems that in mid-April he served as a private in a company from Brazoria County that went to Saluria, on the Texas Gulf Coast, to help Colonel Earl Van Dorn capture Federal forces seeking to escape. Wharton's role in this expedition is unclear as no known contemporary account mentions him.10

In early June Lubbock, Terry, Wharton, and perhaps fifty other Texans left for Richmond seeking permission to serve as "guerillas." They sailed from Galveston on June 11 in a small schooner and after a rough passage reached Brashear City, Louisiana on the fourteenth. They left the next day for New Orleans reaching it on the sixteenth and departed the next day traveling by railroad through Mississippi, Alabama, and East Tennessee reaching Richmond on the twenty-first. On the twenty-third a member of the party wrote that Lubbock, Terry, and Wharton along with Louis T. Wigfall, James Longstreet and Thomas N. Waul had called upon President Jefferson Davis seeking permission to organize a company of Texas Cavalry to be mounted by the Confederate government. Davis expressed his interest but promised nothing.11

On June 24 Wharton left Richmond carrying government dispatches back to Texas. He apparently stopped at New Orleans and picked up military supplies for Brazoria County. He sailed from Berwick on the Shark on the thirtieth. At 5:00 a.m. on July 4, however, the blockading U.S.S. South Carolina commanded by James Alden captured the Shark off Galveston. Wharton managed to destroy his dispatches but lost two boxes of arms, ten gross military buttons, some uniform material, and his revolver. Though Alden treated his prisoners well he did try to make them take an oath of allegiance to the United States threatening to take them to Key West if they refused. When he was unable to make any headway with them, he surprised them by placing them on another ship which he permitted to sail on to Galveston.12

On July 21, 1861 Wharton's friends in Virginia got the chance they had been hoping for at the First Battle of Bull Run (or First Manassas). Terry and Lubbock, while serving as volunteer aides to General Longstreet, so distinguished themselves that Davis gave them commissions as Colonel and Lieutenant Colonel, respectively.13

On August 12 Terry and Lubbock commissioned ten captains, including Wharton, to raise companies each to be 79 to 115 men strong. Every man was to provide his own equestrian equipment and was required to have at least one pistol and one long arm. The government, it was understood, would provide horses.14 Because of the glamour of cavalry service and the fact that this was the only mounted Texas regiment being raised for Virginia where it seemed the decisive fighting would be done, there was no shortage of recruits. Indeed newspapers ran fantastic stories about the eagerness of young men to associate themselves with "Terry's Texas Rangers." The New Orleans Daily Picayune reported in late August that hundreds of recruits had been turned down and a month later raised the figure to 3,000. Though rumors held that some men were so desperate that they offered bribes of $75 to $100 each, in reality as late as September 18 there was still room for 100 more recruits.15

In late August and early September the companies began rendezvousing in Houston. Wharton and his company, known as the Archer Grays, was one of the first to report. It was some 124 strong recruited largely from Brazoria and surrounding counties. On September 7 it was sworn into the Confederate Army. Many years later one of the new enlistees recalled that Wharton made a speech in which he stated that16 he had no ambition beyond being their company commander.

Terry organized his command into two "divisions" of five companies each and on September 11 or 12 led the first division, which included the Archer Grays, out of Houston. They had the honor of escorting newly elected Texas governor Francis Lubbock (Tom's brother) on the first part of his journey to Richmond. The second division followed at the end of September.17

The Archer Grays were mounted when they left Houston but at Beaumont they sent their horses back. They then sailed to Lake Charles, Louisiana, marched to New Iberia, and then took boats to New Orleans. Although they were generally welcomed by the civilians discipline left something to be desired. At one point one of the troops slaughtered a beef without the consent of its owner, a poor man.18

Terry's Rangers were not to reach Virginia in 1861. Upon hearing that the command was passing through his district, Albert Sidney Johnston implored both the War Department and the Texans to join him. It is not clear whether Terry voluntarily changed his destination or merely complied with orders, but whatever the case the new destination became Bowling Green, Kentucky.19

Terry's first companies reached the Nashville fairgrounds on October 3 where they rested, drew supplies, and started procuring their horses. On the thirteenth they moved to Bowling Green in response to a perceived (but false) enemy threat. Soon afterwards they moved to Camp Johnston at Oakland, Kentucky where the Regiment completed its organization. The companies drew lots for their letter designations and the Archer Grays became Company B. There was also an election of officers with Terry and Lubbock (though they were not required to by law) also standing for their positions. There were no major changes with the exception of Captain Thomas Harrison being selected major. It is likely that Wharton was nominated major as one of his men remembered in later years that he refused the honor. Soon afterwards Terry's Texas Rangers became the 8th Texas Cavalry Regiment.20

On October 30 Terry submitted an inventory of his unit's firearms. As can be imagined, the men held a wide variety, twenty-two distinct types. Wharton's company had eight Sharps carbines, eight Mississippi Rifles, and 76 double barrel shotguns. They had also 98 Navy Colts, seventeen Army Colts, and four five shot Colt— probably pocket pistols.21

Terry's men were soon engaged in picketing, skirmishes, and raids with generally good results taking few if any combat casualties. On December 17 the 8th Texas had its first general engagement at Woodsonville. They were part of a force Brigadier General Thomas C. Hindman led in an attempt to stop the construction of a bridge across the Green River. Their objective was defended by the 32nd Indiana Infantry a German-American unit led by August Willich a veteran officer of the Prussian army who had participated on the liberal side in the Revolution of 1848. The Confederates bungled the attack and Terry charged on his own initiative before the infantry and artillery could come up to offer meaningful support. The casualty figures favored the Confederates who lost four dead and ten wounded as opposed to Willich's eleven dead, twenty-two wounded and five missing. The Yankees still held the bridge, however, while Terry was among the dead the capable Captain John G. Walker seriously wounded. Wharton missed this battle as soon after reaching Tennessee he suffered a severe case of measles and was incapacitated for several weeks.22

Though combat had not depleted the Texan's ranks, disease had. Johnston reported on December 30 that the 8th Texas was at half strength because of illness. Many officer and noncommissioned officer posts were vacant, their holders being dead or discharged. In early January the regiment held an election to fill these vacancies. There was some speculation that Wharton would be elected lieutenant colonel. When the votes were counted, however, Lubbock was the new colonel and Walker was advanced over Harrison to be the new lieutenant colonel. On January 9, the day after the election Lubbock died of typhoid and immediately Wharton was elected colonel.23

As can be imagined, Johnston was not happy with this system of promotion which was illegal. He had previously had correspondence with the War Department on this matter concerning another regiment. He attempted to enforce promotion by seniority in the 8th Texas but a delegation of company commanders persuaded him to desist.24 All in all this was probably best for when the Texans returned to the front Harrison was absent ill and Walker was on furlough for his wound. There was some worry about Wharton's health and on January 19 the Regimental chaplain (and de facto war correspondent) Robert Franklin Bunting noted in his report to the Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph that some feared that he was not sufficiently restored to health. A week later Bunting again commented upon the Colonel's weakness but noted that otherwise he was doing an excellent job.25

In January and February Johnston's force began experiencing a series of reverses and the Confederate defensive line crumbled with the loss of Fort Henry on February 6 and Fort Donelson on the sixteenth. On February 9 the Rangers received orders to fall back to Bowling Green. When the Rebels evacuated on the fourteenth Wharton's men covered the retreat and burned the depot.26 Two days later Johnston ordered Wharton to take part of his force and return through Nashville to Charlotte, Tennessee gathering Confederate livestock and covering the withdrawal of those who had escaped the fall of the forts. Wharton led this force himself taking two days rations. On the twenty-second he rejoined the army after his expedition had encountered extremely difficult and exhausting circumstances, largely thanks to the weather. When the 8th Texas stopped at Shelbyville on March 3 the ill Wharton left the command to Major Harrison. When the regiment later reached Corinth, Mississippi Wharton rejoined them and led some of the scouting parties. Only one appears to have been significant. Wharton and Harrison led some 200 picked men in one patrol which the Federals tried to catch. Wharton spotted the trap and skillfully extricated his force.27

From Corinth Johnston launched his counteroffensive which was to result in the battle of Shiloh. He chose Wharton's Regiment (now about 450 strong) as the vanguard for his approach march. On the night of April 4 the Texans picketed Johnston's left front and flank in a heavy rain. The next morning Wharton nearly lost the element of surprise when he gave his men permission to discharge their weapons in order to reload them with fresh, dry charges. General Leonidas Polk, thinking that the battle had commenced, quickly brought up a brigade of infantry. Supposedly when he discovered the cause of the firing he placed Wharton and the entire regiment under arrest from which they were not released until after the battle. Wharton addressed his men admitting his error and asked them to erase it in the ensuing battle.28

Amazingly when the Confederates finally attacked, at sunrise on April 6, the Federals were completely surprised. During the battle itself the Rangers were mostly ineffective as the broken, wooded terrain was not conducive to mounted warfare. About noon General Hardee ordered the Texans to support a battery. When the enemy there withdrew they pursued. They soon came to a boggy ravine which had to be crossed single-file with Wharton in the lead. When they crested the summit the enemy, positioned in woods behind a fence, opened fire at a range of forty yards. A bullet hit Wharton in his right leg and thirty-two others also went down. The wounded Colonel tried to organize his force for a dismounted attack but before he could do so the infantry pushed the Yankees out of their position.29 Despite his wounds Wharton continued to command his unit. There was only one other very minor skirmish before nightfall. That evening Wharton set out a heavy picket. The Texans experienced no more combat until about 10:00 a.m. the next day when Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard, now commanding the Confederates as Johnston was dead, ordered the Texans to counterattack on the left. Knowing the terrain, Wharton led his men behind the enemy to a field where he intended to form for the charge. This necessitated another column movement and when they reached their destination they found it occupied by the enemy reserve, supposedly two infantry regiments. The Federals fired and the Rangers could do nothing but dismount and fight on foot until Beauregard gave the command to withdraw.30 The Rangers spent the rest of the day covering the Confederate retreat and again picketed during the night.

The next morning Wharton, thinking the battle was over and suffering from his now painful wound, turned the command over to Harrison. It was on that day, however, that the Rangers gave their best performance of the campaign, perhaps up to that date. In the afternoon General William Tecumseh Sherman led two regiments of Infantry and one of cavalry against the retreating Rebels. The 200-220 Texans still effective supported by Colonel Nathaniel Bedford Forrest and a company of his command, a company from Colonel Adams' Regiment and perhaps some of John Mosby's men charged Sherman's troops with their shotguns and pistols killing fifteen, wounding twenty-five and taking away forty-three prisoners, stopping the pursuit dead in its tracks. The Rangers lost two dead, seven wounded, and one missing. The other elements incurred an unknown number of casualties but the only one known was Forrest who was wounded.31

On April 17 regimental surgeon R. J. Potts declared Wharton unfit for duty and recommended a 60 days leave. Wharton left the next day intending to go home to recover. He arrived in New Orleans within a week only to find it seriously threatened by an amphibious force under David Glasgow Farragut and Benjamin Franklin Butler. On April 24, declaring that his wound was not so serious as to prevent him from taking the field, he offered his services to the Confederate commander, Major General Mansfield Lovell. He noted that there were a few Texans in the city on their way to join various regiments who would be glad to delay their journey to fight for New Orleans. Lovell, maintaining that he had all the troops he could use, declined Wharton's offer. The next day Farragut was in the city. Wharton gave up his plans to visit his home and by May 11 rejoined his command which on the ninth had been placed under the command of Colonel John Adams for a raid into Middle Tennessee.32

Wharton and his men irked at Adams' command feeling that he was too timid and that he let too many easy targets escape. Indeed the most aggressive act of the campaign seems to have been a raid on Winchester which occurred, as one man wrote, when "about a hundred of our regiment and Kentuckians got drunk one day and ran into the town. . . ."33

Even before the raid Wharton and Adams were quarrelling. It appears that Wharton was the senior but had been ill when Adams was made the expedition commander. Wharton claimed that upon his arrival he announced that he should be in command. Adams maintained, however, that he did indeed offer to relinquish his position but Wharton, while disdaining to serve under him, refused to take charge. Both presented their cases to their superiors who apparently decided that the best thing was to recall the Rangers to Chattanooga leaving Adams in Middle Tennessee.34

Because of all their tribulations morale sagged and it did no good that during the brass's quarrelling the aggressive Federals nearly trapped a portion of the 8th Texas and some Kentuckians. The Rebels had to ride hard for eighteen days in order to escape. One man wrote:

They had to travel most of the time at night and had to eat just anywhere (sic) they could get. I think Cousin Nish was the worst shipped man I ever saw near 6 weeks without any clothing except what he had on.35

Another man was especially bitter writing "I think we could have whipped them if we had the right sort of commanding officer. . . ."36. This state of affairs may have accounted for Wharton's unsuccessful effort to get the regiment transferred back to Texas. Furthermore it may have also been responsible for the officers tightening up on discipline in sharp contrast to the former devil may care attitude of earlier days.37

At this dark hour the Rangers and Wharton got just the boost they needed to reverse this condition. On June 9 Nathaniel Bedford Forrest assumed command of cavalry in Middle Tennessee. He organized his force and in early July commenced offensive operations with the Federal supply depot at Murfreesboro being his first target. On July 13 at 4:30 a.m. he was before the town. A company of the 8th Texas silently captured the pickets. Forrest then ascertained the layout of the garrison which, though strong, was scattered. The Rangers were to attack one encampment including five companies of the 9th Michigan Infantry and two companies of the 7th Pennsylvania Cavalry all under the command of the Pennsylvanians' William W. Duffield. The rest of the Rebels were to attack the two other camps.38

As the column moved out Wharton lost half his command as Forrest and his escort inserted themselves into the column and the five rearmost companies blindly followed Forrest to the attack on the courthouse. The Rangers thought that Forrest had made a mistake but he claimed that he had done so purposefully in a last minute change of plans. Whatever the case Wharton was unaware of this development until it was too late.

The Yankees heard the Rebel horsemen coming down the macadamized road but nevertheless the Confederates achieved a tactical surprise. Wharton charged into the enemy camp badly mauling his opponents. He had too few men, however, to deliver a knockout blow and the enemy rallied and counterattacked driving the Rangers out of range. Duffield and Wharton were both wounded with Wharton reportedly shooting his opposite number. The Rangers continued retreating until rallied and apparently thought that further combat was useless. By 8:00 a.m., however, Forrest had secured the courthouse and sent the rest of the Rangers and some other forces to rejoin Wharton and the combined party soon returned to the scene of the action.

Forrest avoided further combat by bluffing the enemy into surrendering. At a cost of about twenty-five dead and 40-60 wounded, he destroyed a force of some 1,100 to 1,200 enlisted men plus officers, the ranking one being a brigadier general. He directed the wounded Wharton and his old company to accompany the captured officers to Knoxville. After accomplishing this Wharton rested a few days and then went to Rome, Georgia to finish recuperating in the home of Ned Johnson, his brother-in-law.39

This service with Forrest was a tonic to the Texans. On July 26 Chaplain Bunting reported that physically they were in their best condition in months and that discipline and morale were very high. Anyone reading their correspondence home before and after this time is struck with the marked difference in the soldier's attitudes.40

Wharton soon rejoined his command and participated with Forrest in additional raids. When Braxton Bragg launched his September offensive into Kentucky Forrest's cavalry covered the army. At the end of September Forrest, in recognition of his superior service, assumed overall charge of operations in Middle Tennessee. Wharton succeeded him in command of his brigade on September 25. The next day Wharton wrote to the Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph that he would:

mount all good men who will come from Texas armed with a good shot gun to join Terry's Texas Rangers. Each man should have a Navy Repeater, if possible, if not to be had in Texas, they can be procured here in the course of time.41

Meanwhile, largely because of a failure in Bragg's leadership, Don Carlos Buell caught up with Bragg and the two armies began maneuvering for a favorable position. The cavalry fought several skirmishes the principal one being on October 4 at Bardstown, Kentucky. Wharton's Brigade was guarding the Louisville Pike when a large Federal force of infantry, cavalry, and artillery managed to cut them off from the town. Upon learning of this, Wharton rapidly closed with the enemy coming upon them before they were ready. Seeing that the cavalry was unsupported, Wharton led the Rangers in an immediate charge easily scattering them killing and wounding 20 and capturing 40, all at a lost of one dead and three wounded. The Confederate brigade then dashed past the blue-clad infantry and artillery whose resistance was ineffective.42

On the eighth Bragg and Buell fought the Battle of Perryville. Wharton's Brigade on the extreme right flank launched one assault but after initial gains was stopped and the butternut clad infantrymen had to take over. The rest of the day the horsemen spent following the footmen. At night the cavalry picketed the front and the next morning covered the Confederate retreat.43

For the next two months operations were routine. There was the normal patrolling and skirmishing but nothing of significance until December 25 when Wharton's Brigade started having heavy skirmishes as the prelude to the Battle of Murfreesboro. Wharton's command now consisted of seven regiments and a detachment of an eighth, two battalions, two escort companies, and a battery. He realized that it would be impossible for him to control all these units so he placed Colonel Thomas Harrison, now commanding the 8th Texas, in charge of three of his regiments and Colonel John T. Cox led the bulk of the remainder. Wharton withheld a small portion of his brigade as a reserve.

When the battle commenced on December 31, Bragg ordered Wharton, on the Confederate left, to get behind the enemy and disrupt his rear. He was eminently successful routing the Union cavalry and mauling the 75th Illinois Infantry. He captured a battery and fell upon a column of wagons. The necessity to detail guards to get prisoners and captured supplies back to Rebel lines, however, left the Confederates scattered and vulnerable. Soon enemy horsemen returned with reinforcements and forced the Rebels to part with much of their spoil. They, nevertheless brought in five or six pieces of artillery, 400 prisoners, and other loot.44

January 1, 1863 found the infantry on both sides licking their wounds preparing to renew the battle the next day. The cavalry was not so idle. Bragg ordered Wharton's Brigade to attack targets of opportunity along the Nashville and Murfreesboro Pike. About 4:00 p.m. they discovered a large wagon train with an escort at La Vergne. Wharton and Joseph Wheeler's Brigades acted together capturing some 100 wagons, 300 mules, a cannon, and 150 prisoners. They delivered the animals, the gun, and about 10 wagons to the commissary and burned the remnant. Wharton then fought his way to Murfreesboro reaching it at 1:00 in the morning. Later on the second, Wharton's Brigade assumed a position on the right flank. Although by now the cavalry must have been exhausted, the infantry resumed the battle. In the afternoon Wharton supported Breckinridge's infantry division by directing artillery fire upon an enveloping column. When the gray-clad foot soldiers withdrew from their attack the cavalrymen dismounted to cover their retreat. That night Wharton screened the right flank. There was some skirmishing the next day which Wharton did not see fit to describe in his report. The fourth found the Confederates falling back toward Shelbyville with the cavalry covering the retreat.45

The brigade had performed well and had wrought great damage to the enemy. Wharton bragged that he had sent more prisoners to the rear than his 2,000 man command numbered. Most apparently slipped away as Federal casualty figures do not bear out his claim. His men had paid a price, however. They had lost 108 of their comrades dead and wounded and another 107 captured. Despite these losses Wharton's Brigade may actually have left the battle in better shape than it entered due to its improved firepower. Wharton reported that all of his soldiers who had been armed with shotguns or other "indifferent" firearms exchanged them for weapons of a "more approved character."46

Though he was undoubtedly aware of it before the battle, Wharton took the opportunity of his after action report to make a few points on cavalry armament. During the battle he had twice seen his Georgia cavalrymen, armed with single shot rifles fit only for infantry service, stampeded by saber carrying Yankees who, in turn, were routed by pistol packing Texans. He wrote, "The Rangers, being armed with revolvers, are better prepared to meet the enemy's cavalry than other regiments of the brigade. . . The proper weapon for cavalry has proven to be the revolver."47

Wharton was quite satisfied with his performance at Murfreesboro and expected to be promoted to Major General on its strength. This was not to be and one of his officers speculated that it was because other cavalry leaders performed more dramatically though not effectively. Though this observer thought that he detected some annoyance on Wharton's part for not securing the promotion, he stated that Wharton was too polite to demonstrate it.48

After picketing near Shelbyville until the end of January Bragg placed Wharton's and Forrest's Brigades under Joseph Wheeler for a raid against Fort Donelson. Forrest opposed the move as both forces were short on ammunition. Possibly the bitter cold was also a factor. Wheeler, nevertheless, insisted and on February 3 the Confederates, after several days of hard marching, attacked. All they were able to accomplish was to take some outlying positions with a cannon and eighty prisoners. The fort itself repulsed a dismounted attack and a Federal flotilla came up forcing the Rebels to withdraw with heavy losses. Their retreat was hampered by snow, ice, and unbridged rivers. Many men suffered from frost bite. This fiasco cost Wheeler Forrest's respect and may have been the first act in what became a major quarrel between Wheeler and Wharton.49

By the twenty-fourth Wharton's men were in the vicinity of Fairfield, Tennessee conducting routine patrolling. At about this time Wharton organized a personal scouting company under Captain Marcus L. Gordon of about fifty picked men, largely from the 8th Texas. Such companies were supposedly to act as intelligence gathering agencies but this one, as most such Civil War scout companies, apparently was used more as a commando company staging raids behind enemy lines and railroad ambushes.50

Fighting was light until the second week of April when Wheeler and Wharton launched a raid against enemy railroad lines. They succeeded in shooting up a train carrying horses and put several cannon balls into the locomotive but a river prevented them from overrunning it. The 8th and 11th Texas Regiments had an even greater success when they captured another train freeing some Confederate prisoners and taking about seventy-two Union captives. They killed and wounded nineteen others. Best of all, from the soldier's viewpoint was the fact that the train had a payroll of some $30,000. Wharton decided that these funds should be used to buy horses and ordered the men to return it. The soldiers would not comply, however, and he prudently declined to make an issue of it.51

Wheeler kept his forces in the vicinity of Fairfield until about the twentieth when he realized that the Federals were maneuvering to entrap him. Narrowly eluding the enemy, the Confederates escaped to the vicinity of Sparta. This episode caused several of the men of Wharton's command to question Wheeler's fitness.52

In late February 1863 Wharton's command was reorganized and his brigade officially became a division of two brigades which it was already in all but name. Wharton retained command but did not secure the promotion to major general.53

A five month lull fell upon the Tennessee front. Wharton established an office in Sparta, Tennessee while his forces continued picketing. There were no major clashes. On or about May 2 Wharton's spirited horse, running at full speed, brushed against a tree throwing his rider. This injured Wharton's left leg and foot. He remained in bed for a week and for some time afterwards had to ride in a carriage and use crutches. As late as June 3 Bunting could only say that he had "almost entirely recovered."54

In late June Rosecrans launched an offensive designed to force Bragg out of Tennessee. There was heavy cavalry skirmishing but since the fighting was done at regimental and brigade level Wharton was only indirectly involved. On July 2 Wharton did gather his division and offer battle. The Yankees refused to close but the next morning showed some first class tactical talent when they slipped around his flank and threatened to block the Confederate line of retreat. The Rebels had to run their horses five miles to escape.55

After the initial skirmishes, Wharton withdrew part of his command, including the 8th Texas, sending it to Rome, Georgia to "recruit" the horses and rest the men. Wharton had his headquarters nearby.56 The Rangers decided to take this opportunity to honor Wharton. On August 5 they held a barbecue during which they presented their former Colonel with a horse valued at $1,500. This made Wharton one of the most expensively-mounted soldiers in the Confederacy. His saddle reportedly had cost $1,000 in specie in Mexico City and was decorated with gold and silver. During the ceremony Wharton made a faux pas. In praising the generosity of the Tennesseans he made the comment that next to Texas he would most prefer to fight for Tennessee. This offended some of the Georgians present. It perhaps should be noted that the Texans as a whole had enjoyed extremely good relations with the Tennesseeans and considered the Georgians as stingy and out to "fleece" the soldiers.57

Wharton's troops were very loyal to him. While one of his closest friends, and social equals, recorded that he was loud, pugnacious, and overbearing58 one of his soldiers described him in different terms. ". . . [Wharton is] a very eloquent and smart man, though kind and very plain and familiar with his men. . . ."59 Wharton, it appears, combined the traits of a natural personal superiority with the openness of an equal in a manner that won the respect and fealty of those around him.

Wharton returned the loyalty of his command even at the expense of short-term personal ambitions. In the summer of 1863 his friends in Texas nominated him to run for Congress from the Second District. The election was originally to be held in November but was changed to August. By this time communications between the Trans-Mississippi Department and the rest of the Confederacy were slow and unsure. His mother, Sarah Ann Wharton, wrote the Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph stating that she was confident that if her son could make his wishes known he would refuse the nomination. So long as the War lasted and he was able to fight his place was at the front, not pursuing civil office.60 In August the General ratified his mother's actions. In response to a petition from the officers of the 8th Texas, he stated that he was in full accord with his mother's actions. He went on to state that he intended on seeing the war out with the men of the 8th Texas.61

On August 27 Wharton's Division was ordered from its position along the Tennessee River near Bridgeport to the Chattanooga vicinity. There they covered the area between Alpine and La Fayette watching mountain passes and felling trees to obstruct enemy movements. Though winter was approaching, the weather was warm and dusty. There were numerous small skirmishes in which the enemy cavalry showed great aggressiveness and skill.62

There was almost daily cavalry skirmishing until September 19 when the Battle of Chickamauga began. At the onset Wheeler's Corps (including Wharton's Division) was on Bragg's left flank guarding fords and mountain passes. On the nineteenth Wharton and Colonel Harrison led the 8th and 11th Texas in a thrust designed to attack a Federal wagon train reportedly coming through McLemore' s Cove. Instead of finding vulnerable transports, they found aggressive cavalry which exploited the faulty positions chosen by Wharton and Harrison. The Rebels had to retire with several casualties. That night there was more skirmishing.

The Rebel cavalry scored heavily on the next day when Wheeler's command launched what was supposed to be a diversionary attack on George Crook's Cavalry Division. Most of the Confederates attacked on foot but the 8th Texas circled around and rode over the enemy camp and fell upon his flank forcing the enemy to flee in disarray. So formidable was the attack that the enemy thought that it was conducted by James Longstreet's Infantry Corps.63

Also on the twentieth, Rosecran's line shattered and the bulk of his army fell back to Chattanooga in disarray. Only the failure of Bragg to exploit the opportunity and the spirited defense of Horseshoe Ridge by George H. Thomas prevented the complete destruction of the Union army.

Though lethargy seized the high command and the infantry, the cavalry was active in bringing in prisoners and booty. They pursued the defeated enemy until nightfall and the next day scoured the countryside picking up stragglers. Perhaps Wharton's biggest success on the twenty-first came when a detachment Wharton left at a ford of the West Chickamauga Creek blocked the passage of a wagon train and its escort. The Yankees attacked but could not break through before Wharton led the rest of his command into the action capturing the wagons and about 300 prisoners.64

The effect of the battle was that Bragg was besieging Rosecrans at Chattanooga. To prevent the Union army being resupplied Bragg sent Wheeler's Corps reinforced with the most fit of Forrest's men to interdict the enemy's line of communications. Wharton's and William Thompson Martin's Divisions seized fords across the Tennessee River and on the thirtieth Wheeler launched his raid. Because of the hard campaigning the cavalrymen had already been through and because of the rain and muddy roads, it was a difficult expedition. On October 2, on Walden's Ridge, Wheeler divided his command taking some 1,500 of his 4,000 men with him. The rest were under Wharton's command with orders to march on the Federal depot at McMinnville. Wheeler soon found and destroyed two trains, one of thirty-two wagons and another estimated as anywhere from 500 to 960. Wheeler then rejoined Wharton and on the third they occupied McMinnville and looted the depot. 65

The garrison at McMinnville complained of their treatment at the hands of the unrestrained Rebels who not only helped themselves to the stores but also relieved their captives of boots, clothing, money, and other valuables. The Union officers protested to Wheeler and Wharton as well as to other senior officers. The Rebel brass refused to interfere.66 The Confederate's attitude reflected callousness but there was more to it than wanton vandalism. These men and officers had seen innumerable incidents in which the enemy had pillaged private property so they now had no especial sympathy for these soldiers. Furthermore each man was required to equip himself. The material they were now taking would give them the wherewithal to continue their effectiveness. Finally winter was upon them and it was imperative that they take this afforded opportunity to provide themselves with the clothing and blankets to endure it.

On the fourth the raiders left marching on Murfreesboro with the Federal cavalry closing on them. They destroyed the railroad near Murfreesboro and pushed on occupying Shelbyville on the sixth. Though government stores were sparse here there were a large number of Union sympathizing merchants who lost their stores to the Southern cause in a manner reminiscent of the Federals at McMinnville. Even some of the Rebels commented upon the excesses.

On the seventh the now well dressed Confederates moved out with Henry B. Davidson's Division in the van and Wharton's in the rear. Near Farmington Brigadier General George Crook's Cavalry Division reinforced by infantry attacked Davidson and mauled him badly. Elements of Wharton's Division quickly came up and counterattacked checking the enemy allowing the remainder of Wheeler's raiders to escape. Wharton's exact actions went unrecorded although he seems to have been with the regiment that counterattacked as his mount was killed and his friends gave him personal credit for preventing a major Confederate defeat. These same friends criticized Wheeler maintaining that his incompetence nearly resulted in a major Confederate defeat.67

The raiders returned to the safety of Confederate lines and on the eleventh established camp near Decatur, Alabama. Wharton then traveled to Richmond, Virginia in an attempt to secure a transfer to the Trans-Mississippi Department for himself and the 8th Texas. He failed to gain either objective but on November 12 he was finally promoted to Major General.68

By November 21 Wharton had returned to Army Headquarters at Missionary Ridge and was soon overseeing scouting parties and reporting the results to Wheeler. On December 4 he was ordered to Varnell Station to guard the right flank of Bragg's army which by now had fallen back to Dalton, Georgia.69

Wharton's tactical actions for this period are not so important as his political maneuvering. It is certain that by now Wharton had little use for Wheeler who in turn disliked Wharton. In March 1864 Wheeler wrote the new commander of the Army of Tennessee, Joseph Eggleston Johnston, that in December Wharton had perpetrated a hoax designed to alienate Wheeler from the men of Wharton's Division. Wheeler stated that on December 9 he had ordered Wharton to withdraw some of his men from their current position to the rear where they were to rest and train. Wharton delayed the move for two days and meanwhile counterfeited an order which would have sent them to a new position where it would have been impossible to feed the horses. Wheeler alleged that this caused a great deal of discontent in Wharton's Division. Wharton informed Wheeler of it and described it as a "joke" but Wheeler thought that Wharton only decided to tell him of it because discontent was so high that he thought Wheeler would hear of the bogus order.

Wheeler went on to charge that Wharton was letting personal ambitions interfere with his duties as a soldier. Wharton and "his friend in Congress" felt that he, not Wheeler, should command the cavalry and that such tricks were to further that objective.70

At this late date and certainly without other documentation we cannot adequately analyze Wheeler's charges. It seems that Wheeler was unpopular with much of the cavalry. Forrest had little use for him and Chaplain Bunting's letters frequently accused him of incompetence. What is perhaps significant, however, is that after Wharton departed, the 8th Texas rode with Wheeler the rest of the war and it seems that their criticism subsided.

The discord among the generals must have been a major problem for the commanding generals. Only six days after joining the Army of Tennessee, Johnston wrote President Davis in reference to Wharton and perhaps others as well: "I am afraid that this cavalry is not very efficient; the want of harmony among the superior officers causes its discipline to be imperfect."71

Johnston was soon relieved of the worry of the Wharton/Wheeler feud. On January 16, despite his commitment to his friends in Terry's Rangers some five months previously, he wrote to President Davis asking for a transfer for himself and his staff to General John Bankhead Magruder's command in Texas. Wharton noted that the enemy was on the Matagorda Peninsula two days from the wealthiest region of Texas and noted that Magruder was assembling a force to meet them. He argued that there were many efficient officers East of the Mississippi and that he would be of more service in Texas. On a personal note, the general stated that his friends and family needed him at home as he was the only male in his family and that the enemy was but forty miles from his mother, wife, and child, none of whom he had seen in thirty months. 72

The members of the Texas Congressional delegation also submitted an endorsement stating that Wharton's health had suffered from service in the cold climate and that he also had a ruptured blood vessel. Their ultimate argument, however, was their contention that the Trans-Mississippi Department now needed a capable officer with whom the people could identify.73

On February 15 Magruder himself submitted a request for Wharton's transfer in a letter to be delivered to Richmond by special courier. He echoed the congressmen's arguments that his force needed a proven officer with the confidence of Texans74

Three days after Wharton submitted his request, Johnston, doubtlessly relieved that the situation of the feuding cavalry generals would alleviate itself so smoothly, wrote Richmond cordially approving the transfer.75 Richmond quickly responded and on February 4, 1864 ordered Wharton to report to E. Kirby Smith in the Trans-Mississippi Department.76

The Spring 1864 campaign in the Trans-Mississippi fell not upon Texas as Wharton and Magruder had feared but upon Louisiana's Red River Valley. In a well conceived plan Major General Nathaniel Prentiss Banks led his army (reinforced by 10,000 men from Sherman's army) up the valley supported by David Dixon Porter's flotilla sailing up the Red River. Brigadier General Frederick Steele was to push south from Little Rock and link up with them somewhere in Northern Louisiana.

On April 8 the Federal offensive fell apart when Major General Richard Taylor's Confederate army routed Banks at the Battle of Mansfield. Taylor fought the Battle of Pleasant Hill the next day in a futile attempt to finish off his adversary but only succeeded in bloodying both armies. Banks fell back to Grand Ecore near Natchitoches. Meanwhile Porter's flotilla, which was not involved in either battle found its way hindered by low waters and obstacles and also turned back.) The Confederate Cavalry, led by Brigadier General Thomas Green, harassed the navy with small arms and artillery fire. On April 12, however, Green himself was killed in one of these skirmishes.77

Wharton, meanwhile, had returned to Texas and on April 6 was in Houston and notified Smith that he would soon report in person.78 By the eighteenth he was in Shreveport where Taylor selected him to replace Green. (It was to be a couple of days before Taylor got around to actually issuing the necessary orders.) At Shreveport Wharton renewed an acquaintance with Governor Lubbock who was with the army as a volunteer. The General appointed Lubbock as his assistant adjutant-general but perhaps the politician's greatest service was in sharing his camp supplies with the ill equipped soldier.

On the nineteenth Taylor, Wharton, and Lubbock left for the front. By the twenty-third Wharton was in action with William Steele's Brigade harassing Banks' retreating army from Natchitoches to Cloutierville where the rear guard made a stand behind hastily constructed field works only to have Wharton drive them another 1 1/2 miles. Here Taylor thought he had the enemy trapped (even though Banks had the larger force) as Brigadier General Hamilton P. Bee's cavalry held the fords. At 3 a.m. the next day Wharton renewed the action by shelling the enemy camps. After eleven hours of fighting, however, the Yankees forced Bee to retire and escaped across the fords.79

Banks continued his retreat towards Alexandria reaching it with his van on the twenty-fifth. All along the route Wharton's cavalrymen exacted a toll upon his forces but were unable to seriously threaten them. Banks made a stand at Alexandria while his fleet extricated itself from the rocks of the now fallen Red River which were proving a more serious threat than the Rebel army. Finally the engineers built a dam and on May 13 the water level had risen so that they were on the move again. The Union Army then resumed its march towards New Orleans. On the seventeenth Banks found the Confederates blocking his path near Mansura. In the ensuing engagement Wharton distinguished himself by using a portion of his command to force the enemy to form a line of battle which was then enfiladed by more of Wharton's men and roughly handled. Wharton then exploited the situation by charging and taking a large number of prisoners. There was a final clash the next day when in desperate fighting the Yankees bested their adversaries and made good their escape.80

Taylor was extremely pleased with Wharton's services. At one point during the pursuit he informed Magruder that his forces had fought the enemy during every daylight hour for five days. He added that Wharton had even exceeded that by fighting before dawn and after dark.81 On April 26 Taylor formally expressed his appreciation by publishing a general order expressly thanking Wharton for his services from April 22-24 in the vicinity of Cloutierville.82

Taylor's estimation of Wharton endured. Several months later, in early June, he submitted a report upon his command's condition. He described the cavalry in especially glowing terms. He described his mounted commander by saying, "Wharton can command any number of cavalry. He is beyond compare the best cavalry leader I have seen in the war."83

Wharton was more than satisfied with his men. On May 24 he issued a congratulatory order citing their forty-six days of combat. He claimed that they had inflicted 4,000 casualties between Grand Ecore to the end of the campaign and destroyed five transport ships and three gunboats while loosing but 400 men, most of whom would soon be back for duty. He noted that they had campaigned over the pillaged terrain of Louisiana on short rations and inadequate forage without complaint. Though these accomplishments were certainly an exaggeration, his men were due credit for beating Banks' army so thoroughly that nevermore was it to threaten the Trans-Mississippi Confederacy.84

The Red River Campaign left Wharton in good spirits. He soon obtained a leave and with members of his staff went to Hemp-stead, Texas to visit his relatives at the home of Leonard Groce. Though this was a festive occasion it was soon terminated when his superiors ordered him to return to Louisiana.85

In this, the last year of his career, it seems that Wharton never again smelled powder burned in battle. Upon rejoining his command he assumed the duties of an administrator, not a warrior. Yet he excelled in this as well as he had as a combat leader. His foes attested to his success. In late June a Federal officer commented upon the condition of Wharton's forces. He noted that though their discipline was poor, their morale was high. They were well equipped with horses but were armed mostly with Enfield rifles. Though this long, single-shot weapon was hardly suited for mounted service, it was better than the smooth bore muskets which were prevalent in the infantry.86

In contrast to Wharton's Cis-Mississippi commands, it appears that revolvers were relatively rare. In September 1864 Private Dunbar Affleck, a member of Wharton's escort company who had previously served under the General in the 8th Texas, wrote to his parents that of the sixteen new recruits recently transferred in from various regiments, only two had six-shooters. 87 If this was typical of what one would presume to be the command's elite, the common soldiers must have been poorly armed indeed.

Affleck had a pistol but he described it as inadequate; its range was too short and its ball too small to do much damage to its victim unless it struck him just right. Consequently he was desirous of obtaining a better weapon and repeatedly wrote home on the matter. In July he reported that the cheapest he could find was priced at from $1,000 to $1,500. Finally in September he found "a very fine dragoon six-shooter" which was available for $55 in gold (or 60 gallons of syrup). At other times he noted that thefts of these weapons were common. One of his mess mates apprehended a man whom he suspected of stealing a pistol from one of their comrades. General Wharton ordered him placed under guard and the guard discovered in the culprit's possession a pistol which had been stolen from him. Affleck stated that six men were making arrangements with the guards to hang him in the night. He never mentioned if they actually did.88

With the repulse of the Union's Red River Campaign the Western Confederates sought to take the initiative with an invasion of Missouri. By mid-July Sterling Price was ready to move. The hard pressed Eastern Rebels, however, had other ideas and ordered Kirby Smith to transfer Taylor and his infantry across the Mississippi. Smith postponed the invasion in order to deal with this.

The officers charged with the task were not optimistic about their chances of success. For one thing the Federal naval superiority made the crossing of large bodies extraordinarily hazardous. For another, the troops themselves resisted any attempt to cross the Father of the Waters thus placing a formidable obstacle between themselves and the homes they were defending. The soldiers were so determined that they would not go that desertion became rampant and a mutiny occurred which resulted in the execution of a Texas captain and a few others. Wharton's division, with its headquarters in the vicinity of Alexandria patrolled along the Red River not to defend the Army from the enemy but to apprehend deserters making for Texas. Finally by the first of September the Rebel brass gave up on the notion.89

Throughout all this Wharton maintained a low profile and was seldom mentioned in the official correspondence. It does appear that he had been consulted however because in one of the reports he was quoted as saying "that a bird if dressed in Confederate gray, would find it difficult to fly across the river."90

At the end of September Jefferson Davis, desperate to get more troops into the east, wrote Smith suggesting that Wharton's cavalry could be substituted for infantry in crossing the Mississippi. This suggestion fell upon deaf ears and no plans were ever made to put it into execution.91

From all appearances the living was easy for the soldiers but hard for the horses during this period. The commissary provided fresh beef and corn meal which Affleck described was bad "enough to kill a white man." Fruit, however, was especially plentiful as were vegetables, except for corn. Furthermore there were numerous sugar houses in the vicinity which provided plenty of cheap sugar, in marked contrast to the situation in the Confederacy as a whole. Because of the shortage of corn, however, the horses were in poor condition. Military duties were negligible and it seems that practical jokes and hen house raids were more common than training and patrolling.92

Little is known of Wharton's personal activities during this period in Louisiana. Presumably he as occupied primarily with administering his command although upon occasion he was called to Shreveport to meet with his superiors. One trip occurred on July 2 when he traveled by boat to meet with Smith. These trips were not entirely business. Affleck noted that Penelope Wharton was in Shreveport at that time.93

As early as August 3 camp rumors held that Wharton's cavalry was to move either to the Trinity River or to the Black River in Eastern Louisiana.94 The tales were premature and erroneous. In September the Cavalry did move, first to Monroe, Louisiana but then on up to the vicinity of Monticello, Arkansas.95 This was part of a general redeployment of troops throughout the Trans-Mississippi to cover Sterling Price's Missouri raid which finally entered the Show-me state on September 19. This expedition was the most important activity in the Department until its conclusion in early December. Though the raiders enjoyed initial success, in mid-October the Federals began closing in and bested the Confederates in a series of battles. By the conclusion of the expedition the Rebels had lost some 10,000 men as casualties, stragglers, and deserters.

Throughout the raid Wharton's activities were in support of Price. Magruder sent him numerous orders throughout October directing troop movements. In November, as Price's survivors neared Confederate lines in Arkansas, the Rebel brass found itself torn between two contradictory requirements. They needed to move Wharton's cavalry out of its present vicinity in order to ensure adequate forage and supplies for Price. At the same time, however, they needed to have an effective fighting force nearby to ensure his security and to get supplies to his exhausted men.

On November 8 Magruder sent a warning order telling Wharton to be prepared to move to Price's aid. On the twelfth, however, he had a totally different mission and directed Wharton to capture Fort Smith. For this expedition Wharton's command would consist of 5,000 men and 16 guns, as well as flour and a twenty-five day supply of beef.96

Two days later there was another change in plans when Magruder informed Wharton that he was unsure if Smith still wanted them to attack Fort Smith. He added that he feared that Price was in trouble and instructed him to send part of his force, flour and 400-500 beeves to Caddo Gap (toward Fort Smith) for Price.97 Finally on the seventeenth Magruder ordered Wharton to march to Price's relief and then to return to camp as soon as this was accomplished.98 On the same day, however, he issued other, contradictory, orders. These directed Wharton to stand by to intercept any returning enemy who had already attacked Price.99

Meanwhile Smith was also making plans for Wharton's Cavalry for the winter. For the time being Wharton's command had been reduced from a Corps of 7,900 men and twenty-four guns to a division of 5,404 men (5,015 effectives). Smith informed Magruder that he proposed to move Wharton into Nacogdoches, Angelina, and San Augustine Counties where the corn crops were reportedly good. This grain was too far from the scene of possible operations for efficient transport but troops eating it on the spot would be within supporting distance. Magruder also wanted to reduce the amount of cavalry which was too large for existing supplies in the Department.100

Magruder quickly concurred with his superior and on November 20 reported that Wharton would move in accordance with Smith's wishes but that there would be some delay as the wagons had been sent to Laynesport to carry provisions for Price.101

These months must have weighed heavily upon Wharton. While others were fighting he was at his headquarters near Monticello, Arkansas sitting idle. He received instructions on where to send his troops as well as directions on forwarding arms and supplies and transshipping tobacco, but he was accomplishing nothing concrete. This probably accounts for Affleck's observation:

I have never seen any one changed as Genl Wharton has since I left the company he is not the same man at all. There he would speak and shake hands with
a private, but here they are beneath his notice and he is as Crabid as an old bear besides.102

By the end of November, with Price's expedition out of the way, Wharton started moving into Texas. Though the first units left about November 27 as late as December 9 one regiment had not yet started. They traveled at 20 miles a day and were soon scattered from Harrison to Polk Counties. Wharton's headquarters was at Nacogdoches but he went initially to Shreveport and seems to have traveled back and forth between the two cities throughout the winter.103

The higher command expected the enemy to invade the Texas Gulf Coast and Wharton's command was to be ready to move toward Houstin, Sabine Pass, or Natchitoches as required.104 He was also reinforced throughout the winter. In December Wharton's Division consisted of 14 regiments organized into three brigades. He commanded 9,117 men but only 4,918 were present for duty. (Most were probably on furlough). In January he acquired Reuben R. Brown's 35th Texas Cavalry and in January Xavier B. Debray's and Hamilton P. Bee's Brigades.105

Smith intended for Wharton to reorganize the Texas cavalry by halving the number of mounted men and by ensuring that those left were organized more efficiently. He promised Wharton 1,200 Enfield carbines for this purpose and asked for his advice. It does not appear that Smith awaited Wharton's reply before announcing his instructions. He directed Wharton to dismount nine of the twenty-one regiments and battalions in the command. Those troops were to be organized into a division of two brigades and used in the defense of Galveston. The rest would be organized into two divisions of two brigades each. One division was to be mounted infantry and the other cavalry. The divisions were each to have two brigades of three regiments and at least 400 effectives in each regiment. Both the mounted infantrymen and the dismounted troops were to turn their revolvers which would be reissued to the cavalry. Smith also anted up 1,000 sabers from Houston and promised further material as needed, but cautioned Wharton to "be moderate" with his demands.106

On February 17 Smith finalized plans and ordered John W. Well's and Charles De Morse's Regiments dismounted at Marshall (where they now were) and reassigned to the infantry. The rest of the command was to march to Hempstead where other regiments were to be dismounted. The remaining mounted units were to be formed into a corps of two divisions commanded by Wharton. Wharton was allowed to make changes in the units to be dismounted depending upon his best judgment.107

For Texas cavalry, being dismounted was the ultimate indignity and the order generated a great deal of resentment. Perhaps to alleviate the morale problem, or perhaps to capitalize upon the horsemen's pride, Smith gave the troops an alternative, they could cross the Mississippi. William 0. Yeager's 1st Confederate Cavalry had already requested the transfer. In addition any command in which a majority would prefer to cross rather than staying as infantrymen were permitted to do so. Furthermore any individuals in units staying behind could exchange places with men who would prefer to remain as infantry. It does not appear that any units actually crossed the river.108

The arrival of movement orders in February coincided with heavy rains which flooded the country making the fords and roads unpassable so that it was not until March that they were able to move. By early April they were in the vicinity of Hempstead and proceeded with the reorganization of the command.l09

In March Wharton submitted his last troop returns. They show that he had two divisions, a scout company, an escort company, William G. Moseley's Battery, the famous Valverde Battery, and a staff of 20 officers. All told he commanded 10,169 men and officers but only 5,944 were present and only 4,328 of those were effectives.110

If Wharton had not arrived in Hempstead and Houston before April, he was at least in contact with friends there as is evidenced by an entry in William Pitt Ballinger's diary of March 17. He noted that on that date he had a conversation with Edward Hopkins Cushing, publisher of the Tri-Weekly Telegraph, in which they considered him to be one of the three leading candidates for the office of governor of Texas. There was no indication if Wharton was aware that he was considered to be a contender for the office.111

On April 6, 1865 Wharton's life came to an abrupt end. On that day he was in Houston preparing to return to his headquarters at Hempstead. Brigadier General James E. Harrison drove him to the railroad cars in a carriage. There they met Colonel George Wythe Baylor and a Major Sorell. There had long been bad blood between the two officers apparently going back to the Red River Campaign when Baylor blamed Wharton for needlessly sacrificing some of his men. Wharton resented Baylor's criticism and subsequently declined his leave request while granting furloughs to others. During this period Baylor's men were being dismounted and furthermore Wharton was placing David S. Terry, who was junior, over Baylor.

When Wharton and Baylor met at the tracks Wharton, perhaps sarcastically, asked where the colonel's command was and was duly informed that it was near Hempstead. Wharton replied that he should be with it. Baylor acknowledged the fact but said that he was in Houston on pressing business necessary to prevent desertions. By then Baylor had become insubordinate and stated that there would indeed be desertions if he were required to report to Terry. He heatedly claimed that Wharton had been unjust.

Wharton was now excited and called Baylor a "damned liar." Baylor struck at Wharton also calling him a liar and a demagogue. As Harrison drove forward a short distance the blow missed. Wharton ordered Baylor to report to his headquarters in Hempstead under arrest. Baylor responded that he would go to Magruder instead and Wharton told him to do so, but under arrest. Wharton and Harrison then boarded the train but soon Wharton decided that he had best resolve the matter with Magruder.

Meanwhile Baylor had found Magruder at his headquarters in the Fannin House having breakfast. He was so excited as to be in tears. Magruder took him to a private room upstairs, told him to compose himself, and went back down. Wharton and Harrison, expecting to find Magruder, then entered the same room and found the colonel sitting on a bed, still crying. There were more words and Wharton walked toward him with clenched fists. Harrison, fearing a fight, stepped between them. Wharton struck at Baylor and Baylor drew his pistol. Harrison pushed Wharton back while grasping Baylor's revolver. Wharton's left side became exposed and Baylor fired striking him just below the short ribs. Wharton moaned twice and died. He was buried on April 9 in Hempstead.112

Baylor was never punished for Wharton's death. Though he was initially arrested by military authorities the Confederacy collapsed before he could be tried. In December 1868 he was tried in Harris County and was acquitted. Indeed in an affair of honor such as this, a conviction would have been most uncharacteristic of mid 19th Century Texas.113

Despite his many successes and solid leadership, Wharton remains one of the least known Confederate cavalry generals. There are two explanations for this. First he lacked the dash and flare of so many others. Galveston's Judge James Love writing during the Spring of 1863 observed that Morgan's and Forrest's commands were known for their many successes in independent actions. He went on, however, to state that Wharton's abilities were more important but less noticeable. Wharton's men could work successfully with the main army picketing the front between battles and during general engagements would hold the flanks.114 Robert Bunting some six months later made such similar observations that one suspects that Love and Bunting must have spoken among themselves on this matter or at least have discussed the matter with someone in common.115

The second reason for Wharton's obscurity is Wharton's lack of literary remains. He died before he could write his memoirs or participate in any of the numerous efforts to preserve the history of the war. Furthermore very little of his correspondence remains. Though he must have written many letters home, they presumably burned along with his personal effects in a house fire a few months after the war.116 Hence he remains Texas' forgotten general.

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Errate & Additions

Wharton seems to have gone out of his way to look out for the interests of his men. On February 1, 1862 he gave one of his soldiers a pass to visit a sick friend. The trooper neglected to get it signed by General Thomas Carmichael Hindman, the camp commander and was detained by the pickets. The men then ran from the pickets who fired upon him and chased him back to the Ranger's camp. Wharton refused to identify the man and asked if they shot out of formality or to hit him. When they informed the Colonel that they were trying to hit him he said it was a damn good thing" that they missed. That evening Hindman and Wharton had a meeting but the preceedings went unrecorded.117

Again in April 1862 the position of captain in Company I became vacant and the men wanted to elect their second lieutenant, George W. Littlefield to the position. Littlefield was next to the youngest man in the company and did not want the responsibility. He personally requested Wharton to reverse precedent in the 8th Texas Cavalry and promote by seniority. Wharton consented reluctantly. In May, however, A. D. Harris, Company I's new captain, was killed in action and Littlefield again sought Wharton's aid in avoiding the promotion and pursuaded the Colonel to let the men hold an election for the billet. Wharton again consented but it was to no avail, Littlefield was still elected to the post.118

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Endnotes

1 Kate Scurry Terrell, "Terry's Texas Rangers," in A Comprehensive History of Texas, 1685 to 1897, ed. by Dudley G. Wooten (2 vols.; Dallas: William G. Scarff, 1898), Vol. II, p. 682; Clarence R. Wharton, History of Fort Bend County (San Antonio: The Naylor Company, 1939), p. 169.

2 Francis Richard Lubbock, Six Decades in Texas or Memoirs of Francis Richard Lubbock, ed. by C. W. Raines (Austin: Ben C. Jones & Co. Printers, 1900), pp. 26-33, 104,146-147; Walter Prescott Webb (ed.), The Handbook of Texas (2 vols.; Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1952), Vol. II, p. 727.

3 Thomas Lloyd Miller, Bounty and Donation Land Grants of Texas, 1835-1888 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1967), pp. 633-634; Commissioner of the General Land Office, Duplicate Certificate, Austin: May 7, 1862.

4 William Wharton Groce, "Major General John A. Wharton," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XIX (January, 1916), pp. 271-274; Webb, Handbook of Texas, Vol, II, p. 889.

5 University Archives, University of South Carolina to Paul R. Scott, January 12, 1982; Lubbock, Six Decades in Texas, p. 546; Robert Franklin Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph June 13, 1864 in "Letters of Robert Franklin Bunting," Henry Stanhope Bunting (ed.) (Unpublished manuscript), University of Texas at Austin, Archives, Robert Franklin Bunting Papers.

6 Groce, "Major General John A. Wharton," p. 274; Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, June 13, 1864, Bunting Papers.

7 Groce, "Major General John A. Wharton," pp. 271-274; Webb, Handbook of Texas, Vol. II, p. 727; Clarence R. Wharton, History of Fort Bend County (San Antonio: The Naylor Company, 1939), p. 169; Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, June 13, 1864, Bunting Papers.

8 Lubbock Six Decades in Texas,p. 314.

9 Ernst William Winkler (ed.), Journal of the Secession Gonvention of Texas 1861 (Austin: Texas Library and Historical Commission, 1912), pp. 336-355.

10 Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, June 13, 1964, Bunting Papers; Robert George Hartje, Van Dorn, The Life and Times of a Confederate General (Nashville: Vanderbilt University Press, 1967), pp. 81-85.

11 Thomas Jewett Goree to Sarah Goree, June 15, 1861 and June 23, 1861, Private Papers provided by the courtesy of the Family Heritage Foundation, Bryan, Texas.

12 Galveston News Extra, July 5, 1861; Logbook, U.S.S. South Carolina, July 4, 1861, National Archives and Records Center. This is heretofore one of the most misunderstood episodes of Wharton's career. Several writers, including Wharton's own kinsmen, have placed this capture as occurring on the trip from Galveston to New Orleans while most biographers have omitted it altogether. The published Naval Records were also searched for information on this incident but except for mentioning the capture of the Shark, add nothing not already known. The Shark subsequently entered Federal service as the George W. Rogers.

13 James Longstreet, July 28, 1861 in War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (128 vols.; Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1330-1901, Series I, Vol. II, p. 543, unless otherwise noted, all citations are to Series I; henceforth cited as Official Records. Lubbock, Six Decades in Texas, p. 324.

14 Kate Scurry Terrell, "Terry's Texas Rangers," in A Comprehensive History of Texas, 1685 to 1897, ed. by Dudley G. Wooten (2 vols.; Dallas: William G. Scarff, 1898), Vol. II p. 683.

15 Daily Picayune, September 8, 1861, p. 2; September 29, 1861, p. 4; Weekly Telegraph, September 11, 1861, p. 2.

16 Company Muster-in Cards, Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of Texas, Microcopy No. 323 (Washington: The National Archives, 1961), Company Files. Hereafter cited as Compiled Service Records; Weekly Telegraph, September 4, 1861, p. 2, September 11, pp. 1-2, September 18, pp. 1-2, October 2, p. 2; Henry W. Graber, The Life Record of H. W. Graber A Terry Texas Ranger (n. p.: no publisher, 1916), pp. 32-33. Hereafter cited as Life Record.

17 Lubbock, Six Decades in Texas, pp. 325-327.

18 William Nicholson to Mary Ann Nicholson, September 18, 1861 and William Nicholson to Mrs. Henry Crocheron, September 28, 1861, University of Texas at Austin, Archives, James Nicholson Papers.

19 Albert Sidney Johnston to Samuel Cooper, September 17, 1861, Official Records vol. IV, p. 412; Samuel Cooper to A1bert Sidney Johnston, September 18, 1861, Ibid., p. 412; Graber, Life Record, p. 34; William Preston Johnston, The Life of Albert Sidney Johnston (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1878), p. 384.

20 B. F. Terry to A. S. Johnston, October 3, 1861, Compiled Service Records, B. F. Terry File; B. F. Terry to A. S. Johnston, October 8, 1861, Ibid.; Graber, Life Record, p. 33; William W. Mackall to Benjamin F. Terry, October 12, 1861, Official Records, Vol. IV, p. 444; William Nicholson to Mrs. Henry Crocheron, October 14, 1861, James Nicholson Papers.

21 B. F. Terry to William W. Mackall, October 30, 1861, Compiled Service Records, B. F. Terry File.

22 Report of Colonel August Willich, December 18, 1861, Official Records Vol. VII, pp. 17-18; Thomas C. Hindman to David G. White, December 19, 1861, Ibid., p. 20.

23 Albert Sidney Johnston to Judah P. Benjamin, December 30, 1861, Official Records Vol. VII, p. 809; Compiled Service Records, John A. Wharton Thomas Lubbock, John G. Walker, and Thomas Harrison Files; Benjamin Franklin Batchelor to Amasa Turner, January 5, 1862, in Batchelor-Turner Letters, 1861-1864, ed. by H. J. H. Rugeley (Austin: The Steck Company, 1961), p. 11.

24 Judah P. Benjamin to Albert Sidney Johnston, November 10, 1861, Official Records, Vol. IV, p. 533; Benjamin Franklin Batchelor to Amasa Turner, January,5, 1862, Batchelor-Turner Letters, p. 11; J. K. Polk Blackburn, "Reminiscences of the Terry Rangers," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXII (July, 1918), p. 50; Leonidas B. Giles, Terry's Texas Rangers (Austin: Von Boeckmann-Jones Co., printers, 1911), p. 25.

25 Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, January 19, 1862, Bunting Papers.

26 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, February 26, 1862, Bunting Papers; Graber, Life Record, p. 49.

27 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, February 26, 1862, June 13, 1864, Robert F. Bunting Papers; Graber, Life Record, pp. 53-54; William Nicholson to Mary Ann Nicholson, March 7, 1862, James Nicholson Papers; Blackburn, "Reminiscences," p. 51.

28 A. P. Harcourt,"Terry's Texas Rangers," The Southern Bivouac I (November 1882), pp. 91-92; Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, April 19, 1962, R. F. Bunting Papers; John A. Wharton to Thomas Jordan, April 12, 1862, Official Records Vol. X Part 1, pp. 626-627; Giles, Terry's Texas Rangers, pp. 30-31.

29 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, April 19, 1862, R. F. Bunting Papers; John A. Wharton to Thomas Jordan, April 12, 1862, Official Records, Vol. X Part 1, p. 527.

30 Ibid.; Report of Captain William H. Ketchum, April 15, 1862, Official Records, Vol. X Part 1, p. 527.

31 Thomas Harrison to J. A. Wharton, April 11, 1862, Official Records Vol. X Part 1, p. 924; William T. Sherman to Ulysses Simpson Grant, April 8, 1862, Ibid., p. 640.

32 Leave Papers dated April 17, 1862, Compiled Service Records, John A. Wharton File; W. Y. Houston to Thomas Jordan April 20, 1862, Ibid., W. Y. Houston File; Tri-Weekly News (Galveston) May 1, 1862, p. 2; Robert F. Bunting to Editor Tri-Weekly Telegraph, April 22, 1862, R. F. Bunting Papers.

33 Benjamin F. Burke to James and Martha Ogden Burke, June 14, 1862, in Letters of Pvt. Benjamin F. Burke Written While in the Terry's Texas Rangers 1861-1364, Jessie Burke Heard (compiler), (n.p.: n.p., 1965), p. 16.

34 John A. Wharton to Thomas Jordan, May 10, 1862, Official Records Vol. X Part 2, pp. 509-510; John Adams to Thomas Jordan, May 30, 1862,Ibid., pp. 395-396; Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, May 28 and June 16, 1862, R. F. Bunting Papers.

35 R. E. Hill to Mary Scott Hill, June 16, 1862, in "Letters From Three Members of Terry's Texas Rangers 1861-1865," Pauline Scott Goldman (ed.), (Unpublished M. A. Thesis, University of Texas, 1930), pp. 74-75.

36 William Nicholson to Mary Ann Nicholson, June 12, 1862, James Nicholson Papers.

37 "Galveston" [James Love] to Editor , Tri-Weekly Telegraph, June 28, 1862; Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, May 28, 1862, R. F. Bunting Papers.

38 Nathaniel Bedford Forrest to Hugh L. Clay, undated, Official Records Vol. XVI Part 1, p. 810; Graber, Life Record, p. 66.

39 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, June 13, 1864, R. F. Bunting Papers; William W. Duffield to James B. Fry, July 23, 1862, Official Records Vol. XVI Part 1, p. 803; Henry C. Lester to Henry M. Duffield, undated, Ibid., pp. 807-808; Nathaniel Bedford Forest to Hugh L. Clay, undated, Ibid., pp. 810-811.

40 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, July 26, 1862, R. F. Bunting Papers.

41 John A. Wharton to Edward Hopkins Cushing, September 26, 1862, published in Tri-Weekly News, November 8, 1862, p. 1. Note that although Wharton wrote to the Editor of the Houston paper, it was published in the leading Galveston paper.

42 George H. Thomas to Don Carlos Buell, October 4, 1862, Official Records Vol. XVI Part 1, p. 1,019; Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, November 25, 1862, R. F. Bunting Papers; J. W. Hill to Mary Scott Hill, October 26, 1862, "Letters From Three Members of Terry's Texas Rangers," p. 82.

43 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, November 25, 1862, R. F. Bunting Papers; Giles, Terry's Texas Rangers, pp. 170-174; Blackburn, "Reminiscences," p. 70.

44 John A. Wharton to T. B. Roy, January 22, 1863, Official Records Vol. XX Part 1, pp. 966-967; Lewis Zahm to M. B. Chamberlin, January 6, 1863, Ibid., p. 637; Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, January 6, 1863, R. F. Bunting Papers.

45 Ibid.

46 John A. Wharton to T. B. Roy, January 11, 1863, Official Records Vol. XX Part 1, pp. 966-968.

47 Ibid., p. 969.

48 Benjamin F. Batchelor to Amasa Turner, January 25, 1863, Batchelor-Turner Letters, pp. 43-44.

49 Joseph Wheeler to George William Brent, February--, 1863, Official Records Vol. XXIII Part 1, pp. 39-41; William Nicholson to Mrs. Henry Crocheron, February 20, 1863, James Nicholson Papers, George Q. Turner to Amasa Turner, February 20, 1863, Batchelor-Turner Letters, p. 46; John Allen Wyeth, That Devil Forrest, Life of General Nathan Bedford Forrest (New York: Harper & Brothers, Publishers, 1959), pp. 127-131.

50 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, March 3, 1863, R. F. Bunting Papers; William Nicholson to Mary Ann Nicholson January 27, 1863, James Nicholson Papers; Robert E. Hill to Mary Scott Hill, February 23, 1863, "Letters From Three Members of Terry's Texas Rangers," p. 117.

51 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, April 13, 1863, R. F. Bunting Papers; Robert F. Bunting Diary, p. 94, R. F. Bunting Papers; John A. Wharton to Leonidas Polk, April 12, 1863, Official Records Vol. XXIII Part 1, p. 220; Joseph Wheeler to George William Brent, Ibid., pp. 219-221.

52 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, March 23, 1863, R. F. Bunting Papers.

53 Ibid.

54 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, May 12, 1863, June 3, 1863, R. F. Bunting Papers; Tri-Weekly Telegraph, June 13, 1863, p. 2.

55 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, July 7, 1863, R. F. Bunting Papers.

56 Ibid.

57 Ibid.; William Nicholson to Mary Apn Nicholson, August 11, 1863, to Mrs. Henry Crocheron, April 6, 1863, James Nicholson Papers.

58 William Pitt Ballinger quoted in Laura Hale, "The Groces and the Whartons in the Early History of Texas," (Unpublished M. A. Thesis, University of Texas at Austin, 1942), pp. 130-131.

59 Benjamin F. Burke to James and Martha Ogden Burke, August 6, 1863, Letters of Pvt. Benjamin F. Burke, p. 29.

60 S. A. Wharton to Editor, Telegraph, June 23, 1863, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, June 26, p. 2.

61 "General Wharton and His Officers, Houston Weekly Telegraph, September 30, 1863, p. 2.

62 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, September 29, 1863, R. F. Bunting Papers; Joseph Wheeler to George William Brent, October 30, 1863, Official Records Vol. XXX Part 1, pp. 520-521.

63 Ibid.; George Crook to William Henry Sinclair, September 29, 1863, Ibid., p. 919.

64 David B. Gracy, II, "With Danger and Honor," Texana I No.2 (Spring 1963), pp. 137-138.

65 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, September 29, 1863, R. F. Bunting Papers; Joseph Wheeler to George William Brent, October 12, 1863, Official Records Vol. XXX Part 2, pp. 723-724.

66 Report of Michael L. Patterson, October 12, 1863, Official Records XXX Part 2, p. 711.

67 Robert F. Bunting to Editor Tri-Weekly Telegraph, September 29, 1863, R. F. Bunting Papers; Joseph Wheeler to George William Brent, October 12, 1863, Official Records Vol. XXX Part 2, pp. 723-724; Report of Abram 0. Miller, Ibid., pp. 692-696; Report of George Crook, November 5, 1863, Ibid., pp. 686-687.

68 Robert F. Bunting to Editor Tri-Weekly Telegraph, September 29, 1863, June 13, 1864, R. F. Bunting Papers; Compiled Service Records, John A. Wharton File.

69 Braxton Bragg to Joseph Wheeler, November 21, 1863, Official Records Vol. XXXI Part 3, p. 728; John A. Wharton to Joseph Wheeler December 4, 1863, Ibid., p. 782; Special Orders No. 107, December 4, 1863, Ibid., p. 784.

70 Joseph Wheeler to Joseph E. Johnston March 16, 1864, Official Records Vol. XXXII Part 3, pp. 643-644.

71 Joseph E. Johnston to Jefferson Davis, January 2, 1864, Official Records Vol. XXXII Part 2, pp. 510-511.

72 John A. Wharton to Jefferson Davis, January 16, 1864, Compiled Service Records, John A. Wharton File.

73 Peter W. Gray, et. al. to Jefferson Davis, January 26, 1864, Ibid.

74 John B. Magruder to William R. Boggs, February 15, 1864. Ibid.

75 Joseph E. Johnston to Samuel Cooper, January 19, 1864, Official Records Vol. XXXII Part 2, p. 575.

76 Special Order No. 29, February 4, 1864, Ibid., pp. 669-670.

77 Ludwell H. Johnson, Red River Campaign: Politics and Cotton in the Civil War (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1958), in passim.

78 John A. Wharton to E. Kirby Smith, April 6, 1864, Official Records Vol. XXXIV Part 3, p. 738.

79 Richard Taylor to S. S. Anderson, April 24, 1864, Ibid. Vol. XXXIV Part 1, pp. 579-581; Richard Taylor, Destruction and Reconstruction, (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1879), p. 180; Robert Lee Kerby, Kirby Smith's Confederacy, The Trans-Mississippi South, 1863-1865 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1972), pp. 315-316; Lubbock, Six Decades in Texas, pp. 537-540.

80 Richard to S. S. Anderson, April 27, 1864, Official Records Vol. XXXIV Part 1, pp. 583-584; Lubbock, Six Decades in Texas, p. 540-543; Johnson, Red River Campaign, p. 275.

81 Richard Taylor to S. S. Anderson, April 27, 1864, Official Records Vol. XXXIV Part 1, p. 583.

82 General Orders No. --, April 26, 1864, Ibid., p. 596

83 Richard Taylor to William R. Boggs, June 8, 1864, Ibid., Vol. XXXIV Part 4, p. 531.

84 General Orders No. --, May 24, 1864, Ibid., Vol. XXXIV Part 1, pp. 615-616.

85 Lubbock, Six Decades in Texas, pp. 546-547.

86 Ernst A. Denicke to Christian T. Christensen, June 24, 1864, Official Records, Vol. XXXIV Part 4, p. 530.

87 Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck, September 21, 1864 in "With Wharton's Cavalry in Arkansas, The Civil War Letters of Private Isaac Dunbar Affleck," Robert W. Williams, Jr. and Ralph A. Wooster (eds.), The Arkansas Historical Quarterly Vol. XXI (Autumn 1962), p. 258.

88 Ibid.; Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck, September 18, 1864, Ibid., p. 254; Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck, October 18, 1864, Ibid., p. 265; Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck, July 1, 1864 in "Camp Life in Civil War Louisiana: The Letters of Private Isaac Dunbar Affleck," Robert W. Williams, Jr. and Ralph A. Wooster (eds.) Louisiana History Vol. V (Spring 1964), p. 194.

89 Kerby, Kirby Smith's Confederacy, pp. 323-331; Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck, October 18, 1864, "With Wharton's Cavalry in Arkansas," pp. 262-263. Affleck describes the execution of the Captain (who is never named) in some detail.

90 Quoted in Simon B. Buckner to Joseph F. Belton, January 5, 1865, Official Records Vol. XLV part 2, p. 765.

91 Jefferson Davis to E. Kirby Smith, September 30, 1864, Ibid., Vol. XLI Part 4, p. 29.

92 Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck July 1, 1864, "Camp life in Civil War Louisiana," pp.l93-l94.

93 Ibid.; Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck, Date Torn, Ibid., pp. 194-195.

94 Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck, August 3, 1864, Ibid., p. 200.

95 Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck, September 18, 1864, "With Wharton's Cavalry in Arkansas," p. 248: Edmund P. Turner to Thomas J. Churchill, September 16, 1864, Official Records, Vol. XLI Part 3, p. 937.

96 Edmund P. Turner to John A. Wharton, October 8, 1864 Official Records XLI Part 3, pp. 989-990, NoVember 10, 1864, p. 997; November 16, 1864, Part 4, p. 998; James B. Magruder to Wharton November 8, 1864, Ibid., p. 1034; James B. Magruder to William R. Boggs November 13, 1864, Ibid., p. 1,043.

97 John B. Magruder to John A Wharton, November 14, 1864, Ibid., Vol. XLI Part 4, pp. 1,046-1,048; John B. Magruder to E. Kirby Smith, November 14, 1864, Ibid., p. 1,045.

98 John B. Magruder to John A. Wharton, November 17, 1864, Ibid., p. 1057.

99 Edmund P. Turner to John A. Wharton, November 17, 1864, Ibid., p. 1,057.

100 Joseph F. Belton to John B. Magruder, November 17, 1864, Ibid., pp. 1,056-1,057.

101 John B. Magruder to E. Kirby Smith, November 20, 1864, Ibid., p. 1,066.

102 Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck, September 18, 1864, "With Wharton's Cavalry in Arkansas," p. 250.

103 John B. Magruder to William R. Boggs, December 9, 1864, Official Records Vol. XLI Part 4, p. 1,104; Dunbar Affleck to Mrs. Thomas Affleck, December 3, 1864 in "With the Confederate Cavalry in East Texas: The Civil War Letters of Pvt. Isaac Dunbar Affleck," East Texas Historical Journal Vol. 1 Spring, 1963, p. 18.

104 Joseph F. Belton to John C. Walker, December 1, 1864, Official Records Vol. XLI Part 4, p. 1,092.

105 William R. Boggs to John A. Wharton, January 9, 1865, Ibid., p. 1,320.

106 J. F. Belton to John A. Wharton, January 21, 1865, Ibid., Vol. XLVIII Part I, p. 1337, January 25, 1865, p. 1344.

107 William R. Boggs to John A. Wharton, February 17, 1865, Ibid., pp. 1,392-1,393.

108 William R. Boggs to Simon B. Buckner, February 16, 1865, Ibid., pp. 1,389-1,390.

109 E. Kirby Smith to Samuel Cooper, March 8, 1865, Ibid., p. 1,414; Special Order No. 95, April 5, 1865, Ibid., Part 2, p. 1,264.

110 Abstract from Return of Wharton's Cavalry Corps, Ibid., Part 1, pp. 1,457-1,458.

111 Cited in Nowlin Randolph, "Judge William Pinckney Hill Aids the Confederate War Effort," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Vol. LXVIII (July, 1964), p. 27.

112 "Testimony Before the Jury of Inquest on the Body of Gen. Wharton, Tri-Weekly Telegraph April 10, 1865, p. 2; Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, April 7, 1865, p. 6, April 10, 1865, p. 2; Hale, "The Groces and the Whartons in the Early History of Texas" pp. 125-131.

113 Hale, "The Groces and the Whartons in the Early History of Texas," pp. 129-130.

114 Tri-Weeklv Telegraph, June 13, 1863, p. 2.

115 Robert F. Bunting to Editor, Tri-Weekly Telegraph, June 13, 1864, R. F. Bunting Papers.

116 Groce, "Major General John A. Wharton," p. 278.

117 William Nicholson to Molly Ann Nicholson, February 2, 1862, University of Texas at Austin, Archives, James Nicholson Papers..

118 David B. Gracy, II, "With Danger and Honor," Texana I No.1 (Winter 1963), pp. 10-13.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Manuscript Collections

Family Heritage Foundation. Thomas Jewett Goree Papers.
General Land Office. Austin

National Archives and Records Service. Log Book, U. S. S. South Carolina.

University of South Carolina. Archives.

University of Texas at Austin. Archives, James Nicholson Papers.

University of Texas at Austin. Archives, Robert Franklin Bunting Papers.

Published Primary Sources

Books

Giles, Leonidas B. Terry's Texas Rangers. Austin: Von Boeckmann-Jones Co., Printers, 1911.

Graber, Henry W. The Life Record of H. N'. Graber A Terry Texas Ranger. No Place: No Publisher, 1916.

Heard, Jessie Burke, ed. Letters of Pvt. Benjamin F. Burke Written While in Terry's Texas Rangers 1861-1864. No Place: No Publisher, 1965.

Lubbock, Francis Richard. Six Decades in Texas or Memoirs of Francis Richard Lubbock. Edited by C. W. Raines. Austin: Ben C. Jones & Co. Printers, 1900.

Rugeley, H. J. H., ed. Batchelor-Turner Letters 1861-1864. Austin: The Steck Company, 1961.

Taylor, Richard. Destruction and Reconstruction. New York: D. Appleton and Cdmpany, 1879.

Articles

Blackburn, J. K. Polk. "Reminiscences of the Terry Rangers." Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XXII (July, October 1918), 38-77, 143-179.

Harcourt, A. F. "Terry's Texas Rangers." The Southern Bivouac, I (November 1882), 89-97.

Williams, Robert W., Jr. and Ralph A. Wooster, eds. "Camp Life in Civil War Louisiana: The Letters of Private Isaac Dunbar Affleck." Louisiana History, V (Spring 1964), 182-201.

"With the Confederate Cavalry in East Texas: The Civil War Letters of Pvt. Isaac Dunbar Affleck." East Texas Historical Journal, I (Spring 1963), 17-28.

"With Wharton's Cavalry in Arkansas: The Civil War Letters of Private Isaac Dunbar Affleck." The Arkansas Histonical Quarterly, XXI (Autumn 1962), 247-268.

Government Documents

Compiled Service Records of Confederate Soldiers Who Served in Organizations From the State of Texas, Microcopy No. 323. Washington, D.C.: The National Archives, 1961.

War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies (128 vols.). Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1880-1901.

Winkler, Ernest William, ed. Journal of the Secession Convention of Texas 1861. Austin: Texas Library and Historical Commission, 1912.

Theses

Goldman, Pauline Scott, ed. "Letters From Three Members of Terry's Texas Rangers 1861-1865." Unpublished M. A. thesis, University of Texas, 1930.

Newspapers

Daily Picayune (New Orleans)

Tri-Weekly News (Galveston)

Tri-Weekly Telegraph (Houston)

Weekly News (Galveston)

Weekly Telegraph (Houston)

Secondary Sources

Books

Hartje, Robert George. Van Dorn, The Life Times of a Confederate General. Nashville: Vanderbile University Press, 1967.

Johnson, Ludwell H. Red River Campaign: Politics and Cotton in the Civil War. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1958.

Johnston, William Preston. The Life of Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston. New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1878.

Kerby, Robert Lee. Kirby Smith's Confederacy: The Trans-Mississippi South, 1863-1865. New York: Columbia University Press, 1972.

Miller, Thomas Lloyd. Bounty and Donation Land Grants of Texas 1835-1888. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1967.

Webb, Walter Prescott, ed. The Handbook of Texas. (3 vols.) Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1952, 1976.

Wharton, Clarence R. History of Fort Bend County. San Antonio: The Naylor Company, 1939.

Wooten, Dudley G. A Comprehensive History of Texas (2 vols.). Dallas: William G. Scharff, 1898.

Wyeth, John Allan. That Devil Forrest, Life of General Nathan Bedford Forrest. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1899.

Articles

Gracy, David B., II. "With Danger and Honor." Texana, I (Winter, Spring 1963), 1-19, 120-152.

Groce, William Wharton. "Major General John A. Wharton." Southwestern Historical Quarterly, XIX (January 1916), 271-278.

Randolph, Nowlin. "Judge William Pinckney Hill Aids the Confederate War
Effort." Southwestern Historical Quarterly, LXVIII (July 1964), 14-28.

Thesis

Hale, Laura. "The Groces and the Whartons in the Early History of Texas." Unpublished M. A. thesis, University of Texas, 1942.

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Originally wrote this as a term paper for Dr. Allen Ashcroft's History 443 at Texas A&M University in the Fall of 1981. It appears here with Mr. Scott's permission. Any comments, corrections, or additional information can be sent directly to him.

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